By André C. Drainville
This publication is an leading edge and unique addition to the literature on globalization which examines the demanding situations confronted by way of these wishing to strengthen innovative visions of obvious worldwide governance and civil society. the writer strains the heritage and improvement of the associations of world governance (The international financial institution, IMF, WTO and so on) in addition to the emergence of the anti-globalization stream. the writer argues that we're at a distinct second the place social forces have moved from nationwide and foreign struggles to an international fight and intervention on the earth financial system.
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Extra info for Contesting Globalization: Space and Place in the World Economy
Cox 2001) To these we have to add – at least as a hypothesis – social forces brought to the world economy by governing institutions to buttress the process of globalization and, crucially, social forces that have brought themselves to the world economy to contest neoliberal governance. If these are excluded from the start of our analysis of global power, we are easy prey for cosmopolitan wishful thinking. To sum up: to problematize what cosmopolitan ideology takes for granted and look into the possibility that transnational subjects – not cosmopolitan ghosts but real, concrete, historical, subjects – may be making themselves in the world economy, we will need (1) to assume less than do works of ‘transnational public policy’ that existing institutions and social power relations have installed themselves as a given framework for action; (2) to question more than do works of ‘global sociology’ the political meaning of global reﬂexivity and to enquire into the political signiﬁcance of what is being made, or can be made, in global ﬂows and networks; and (3) to think more than do works of ‘transnational historical materialism’ about what is speciﬁc, contingent and relational about global power, and about the relative separatedness of the world economy as a terrain of politics.
Still others in the literature reason by analogy, often drawing from nineteenth-century political vocabulary to write of socialism, or anarchism. This is a course of thought that can be more fruitful, but only if it is followed with more conceptual rigour than is often the case. 9 Without a doubt, this marginalization gives analogies an impunity that, in turn, can lead to unrigorous, or immodest, work. In a moment when what is known vernacularly as ‘globalization’ challenges all existing conceptualizations (this in spite of the reassurances of world-system theorists and other students of the capitalist économie-monde, who tell us that globalization is not in fact new at all, but related to 500- or 5000-year-old processes), the analysis of global social relations is too often bent out of shape by political and historical analogies applied mechanically, without enough thought to the particularities of the world economy as a terrain of social relations, as if lessons learned and concepts born in one moment in one place could simply be transposed to another place at another moment.
Inspired by urban politics in the latter part of the nineteenth century, when ‘the working class rose up in protest’ and cities as the centre of the world economy became central terrains of struggles (Boyer 1996), we will contrast two ‘modes of social relations to the world economy’: a ‘unitary’ mode and a ‘civic’ mode. In cities, people move about who were not brought there by invitation, who would not be thought of as proper citizens by civic-minded urbanites, whose wanderings contrast radically with the would-be geometric order of urbanists and civic-minded notables.
Contesting Globalization: Space and Place in the World Economy by André C. Drainville